I have never falsified scientific data nor directed my staff to do so and I did not admit to doing so during the hearing spasms icd 9 code generic rumalaya forte 30 pills amex. In a 20 I 5 the Hill op-ed spasms when falling asleep buy rumalaya forte 30 pills free shipping, you questioned if ozone is a harmful pollutant yellow round muscle relaxant pill purchase rumalaya forte 30pills fast delivery, stating that it is not harmful to human health unless "you put your mouth over the tailpipe of a car for eight hours every day infantile spasms 8 months discount rumalaya forte 30pills visa. If you consider ozone to be a non-harmful substance, why are you proud of reducing ozone-producing emissions? The statement referenced in the Hill op-ed clearly demonstrates my opinion that ozone is a harmful pollutant, but it is only harmful if you are exposed to a high enough concentration of it. In addition, the Houston/Galveston area was not in attainment with the federal laws and regulations for ozone concentrations. We were very successful and tbe area saw a decrease in emissions and ozone concentrations that was more rapid than the national average decrease of ozone in non-attainment areas. Do you recognize the public health effects of ozone pollution, which include reducing lung function and causing lung damage? As I stated in the response to question 77, ozone is harmful when at a high enough concentration. In the past, you have repeatedly criticized the Clean Air Act and a 2007 Supreme Court ruling that carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases are pollutants that can be regulated under the Clean Air Act. During your confirmation hearing, you said you would "uphold all law, the letter and the spirit. House Committee on Natural Resources and stated that "after 40 years of private conservation and environmental regulation under the major federal environmental laws, most of the greatest risks to human health, wildlife, and other natural resources in the United States have been dramatically reduced. Do you still believe that federal environmental laws have been responsible for dramatically reducing risks to human health, wildlife, and other natural resources in the United States? Yes I still believe that the many federal laws significantly contributed to improving environmental quality. In your book, Fueling Freedom: Exposing the Mad War on Energy, you state: "Many cultural historians contend that environmentalism is the ideological successor to failed Marxist and socialist ideologies. Did you in fact write the book, Fueling Freedom: Exposing the Mad War on Energy, and the article, Fossil Fuels: the Moral Case? What about the vast majority of ordinary Americans who believe in humandriven climate change? Data and new information are continually becoming available and due to the time frames involved in writing, editing, and publication it is difficult to always include the most current data. What steps did you take before publishing your book to ensure it contained opinions based on up-to-date data? I undertook multiple rounds of editing and fact-checking with my coauthor Steve Moore and Regnery Publishing but I am responsible for the data error about ethanol. However, with a 300 page book with over 600 citations, it would be fair to say there may be newer data for some of the citations. Please list all the assertions from your book that you are completely confident are based on up-to-date data. What assurances do we have that your currently-held opinions are based on up-to-date data? I am always reevaluating my own beliefs to ensure they continue to be supported by the most current facts and data. During your nomination hearing, you stated that it is "confusing" whether or not there is a crisis in the country regarding air quality and particulate matter. Although environmental matters are often complicated, it was your question I found confusing, not the matter itself. We should ensure that all work processes are marked by transparency and accountability. On August 15,2017, President Trump signed Executive Order 13807, Establishing Discipline and Accountability in the Environmental Review and Permitting Process for Infrastructure Projects. Among other things, this Executive Order rolls back federal floodplain risk management standards that require the federal government to account for climate change and sea-level rise when building infrastructure. Given that climate change will likely increase impacts on infrastructure like we saw during the recent hurricanes and resulting floods that devastated Texas, Florida, Puerto Rico, the Virgin Islands, and other U. A single federal approach to mitigation of potential risk is not necessarily the best approach. If confirmed, how will you work to prevent or eliminate damage to the environment and biosphere? If confirmed, how will you work to enrich the understanding of ecological systems important to the nation? If confirmed a major part of my role will be to coordinate and facilitate interagency matters. I could not pre-judge the proposal but if confirmed it would be a priority to receive extensive briefing on these matters. If confirmed, how will you ensure transparency and public participation when an agency is considering a new or revised categorical exclusion? I could not pre-judge the matter but if confirmed it would be a priority to receive extensive briefing on the report. If confirmed, how will you work to protect and promote transparency and public participation in regard to Environmental Assessments and Environmental Impact Statements? To me, scientific integrity includes a process of unbiased data collection, analysis, and public transparency, which has no particular desired political policy outcome to answer to or abide by. During your nomination hearing, you were asked for your views on the role of science in the regulatory process. Everyone should have access to data which is collected through taxpayer funded efforts. This is a noncontroversial statement, and our government agencies have improved greatly in recent decades in making data public. During your nomination hearing, you stated that you have many unanswered questions about climate science in your "personal capacity. Please list the unanswered questions you have in your "personal capacity" regarding climate science. I am sure this committee would be more than happy to connect you with scientists who can answer them for you. If confirmed, do you commit to sitting down with members of the scientific community so they can answer your unanswered questions? If confirmed, will you commit to publicly stating your disagreement with Administrator Pruitt on this matter? As you may know, low-income and minority communities are disproportionately impacted by climate change. People in these communities are more likely to live near petrochemical facilities and be exposed to carcinogenic emissions and toxic waste discharge. From 20122014, African American children had a death rate ten times that of non-Latina white children. If confirmed, how will you address growing issues associated with environmental justice? I agree that it is important that all Americans be treated equally under the law, including the environmental laws. Low-income and minority communities are disproportionately exposed to air pollutants because they live near industry, where housing is often cheaper. Unnecessary regulations often increase consumer prices, also disproportionately impacting low-income and minority communities. This Executive Order states that proposed federal actions must address "significant and adverse environmental effects" on low-income communities and communities of color. Oil and natural gas extraction by way ofhydrau1ic fracturing, or "fracking," has expanded rapidly in the United States. In your book, Fueling Freedom: Exposing the Mad War on Energy, you state: "Contrary to false reports in the media, virtually no documented environmental problems have been associated with fracking- ever. If so, how do you explain the numerous studies and anecdotal accounts that find risks to human health and environmental health from fracking? The same goes for pit liner leaks, or well blowouts, which can happen on occasion.
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So that muscle relaxant klonopin buy 30 pills rumalaya forte with mastercard, again back spasms 36 weeks pregnant buy generic rumalaya forte 30 pills line, January 31 muscle spasms yahoo answers discount rumalaya forte 30 pills amex, the proposition came back to the House of Representatives spasms from acid reflux buy rumalaya forte 30 pills on-line. Stevens was unequivocal: "I do not want them [the Southern states] to have representation I say it plainly I do not want them to have the right of suffrage before this Congress has done the great work of regenerating the Constitution and laws of this country according to the principles of the 50 Again, Schenck of Ohio tried to Declaration of Independence. The House passed this form of the Fourteenth Amendment, January 3, 1866, and sent it the When - to the Senate. Bill had passed Congress, and, to the astonishment of the country, had been vetoed. Black Codes had been passed in Mississippi, Alabama, South Carolina, Florida, Virginia and Louisiana. It would hardly be a safe thing for the national credit to have such a body of men in Congress, reenforced as they would probably be, by a considerable number of Northern men ready to go for at least qualified the other hand, Northern business On repudiation. Blaine says that, "When Congress reassemits bled after the holidays, there a great change in attitude. The bankers of the great cities, whose capital and whose deposits all rested upon the credit of the country and were invested in its paper, believed that the speedy settlement of all dissension, and the harmonious cooperation of all departments of the government, were needed to maintain the financial honor of the nation and to reinstate confidence among the people. Against obstacles so menacing, against resistance so ominous, against an array of power so imposing, it seemed to be an act of boundless temerity to challenge the President to a contest, to array public opinion against him, to denounce him, to deride him, to defy him. Minnesota, the 52 same year, had defeated a constitutional also, in amendment giving Negroes the suffrage. In New York and some other states, there was special legislation on the voting of Negroes, which was not changed. Cotton was high, selling at forty-three cents a pound in 1865; it dropped to thirty cents only in 1866, with a crop of 1,900,000 bales, as compared with that marvelous crop that precipitated the Civil War, 5,740,000 bales in 1861. The price of agricultural products had increased, but not nearly as much as the prices of manufactured goods, and the farmers were feeling the difference. A Western editor wrote Senator Trumbull of Illinois: "You all in Washington must remember that the excitement of the great contest is dying out, and that commercial and industrial enterprises and pursuits are engaging a large part of public attention. The United the times are hard; money is close; taxes are forms of industry here in the West are heavily burdened; and in the struggle to pay debts and live, people are more mindful of themselves than of any of the fine philanthropic schemes that look to heavy; all making Sambo a voter, juror and office holder. There faced the country a tremendous problem of reorganizing the debt, reestablishing the currency and reducing the revenue. Stevens had rushed the Committee of Fifteen as fast as or faster than his majority wished. The first draft of the Fourteenth Amendment reached the Senate and was attacked by Charles Sumner. There was no greater proof of his courage, and his learning and keenness of mind were unquestioned. From the day of his great speech on Kansas to his unswerving advocacy of civil rights for Negroes and their political enfranchisement, he towered above his contemporaries. He was unwilling to compromise like Stevens, and for that reason was not made head of the great Committee of Fifteen. Sumner had no sympathy with an amendment which made the disfranchisement of Negroes possible and regarded it as "another compromise with human rights" and a discrimination on account of race and color which hitherto had been kept out of the Constitution. Thus the first proposition which Northern industry made, met the direct opposition of abolition-democracy. Charles Sumner, in a tremendous speech February 6, 1865, laid down the thesis that under no circumstances should it be possible to disfranchise a man simply on account of race or color; that here for the first time we had a chance to realize the democracy which the fathers of the Republic foresaw, and he spoke prophetic words on future disfranchisement. And this bare-faced tyranny of taxation without representation it is now proposed to recognize as not inconsistent with fundamental right and the guarantee of a republican government. Instead of blasting it you go forward to embrace it as an element of political power. If, on the other hand, you expect to accomplish a reduction of his political power, it is more than doubtful if you will succeed, while the means you employ are unworthy of our country. Should he cheat you in this matter, it will only be a proper return for the endeavor on your part to circumvent him at the expense of fellow-citizens to whom you are bound by every obligation of public faith. Sumner in the Senate, on the other hand, took little account of the political game. He set his strategy on the high ground of democracy, and democracy for all men, and it was his opposition that killed the first draft of the Fourteenth Amendment which permitted the disfranchisement of Negroes on penalty of reduced representation. Stevens with infinite pains had gotten this much through the Committee of Fifteen and the House of Representatives. No man demanded more for Negroes than Stevens, or was more thoroughly an advocate of complete democracy. But, as he said, "The control of republics depends on the number, not the quality, of the voters. He complained that his proposition had "been slaughtered by a puerile and pedantic block criticism. This kind of theoretical, hollow, un- practical friendship amounts to but very little. The Civil Rights Bill and the first draft of the Fourteenth Amendment were before the Senate. Douglass had seen Johnson on inauguration day in 1865 when President Lincoln had pointed Douglass out to him. Seeing that I observed him, he tried to assume a more friendly appearance, but it was too late. Until that interview the country was aware of the intentions and policy of President Johnson on the subject of reconstruction, especially in respect to the newly emancipated class of the South. Downing and myself, he occupied at least three quarters of an hour in what seemed a set speech, and refused to listen to any reply on our part, although solicited to grant a few moments for that not fully purpose. It has been shown in the present war that the government may justly reach its strong arm into the States and demand from those who owe it allegiance, their assistance and support. May it not reach out a like arm to secure and protect its subjects upon whom it has a claim? He was not going to make a speech; he had jeopardized life, liberty and property, not only for the colored people, but for the great mass of people. He was a friend of the colored man, but "I do not want to adopt a policy that I believe will end in a contest between races, which if per- the President sisted in will result in the extermination of one or the other. He went on to show the position of the poor white in relation to the slave owners, and how the slaves despised the poor whites. Douglass a denied this personally, but the President insisted that anyway, most made the poor white man opposed both to the slave and his master; and that, therefore, there was enmity between the colored man and the poor white. Already the colored man had gained his freedom during the war, and if he and the poor white came into competition at the ballot-box, a "war of races" would result. Moreover, was it proper to put on a people, without their consent, colored people did, and this Negro suffrage? President, to South Carolina, for instance, where a majority of the inhabitants are colored. Was it right to force Ohio to make a change in the elective franchise against its will? He could not touch the question as to whether it was right to prevent a majority in South Carolina from ruling because, to his mind, no number of Negroes could outweigh the will of whites. He stumbled on without mentioning this suppressed minor premise and said, "It is a fundamental tenet of my creed that the will of the people must be obeyed. Douglass returned the thanks, and said that they had not come to argue but if the President would grant permission, "We would endeavor to controvert some of the positions you have assumed. Downing, too, suggested persuasively that the President, by his kind explanation, "must have contemplated some reply to the views which: he has advanced. I would like to say a word or so in regard to that matter of the enfranchisement of the blacks as a means of preventing the very thing which your Excellency seems to apprehend that is a conflict of races. Douglass replied that, "His master then decides for him where he shall go, where President naturally did not the he shall work, how much he hands of those men. He is absolutely in the the President replied, "If the master now controls him or his ac- tions, would he not control him in his vote? There is this conflict that you speak of between the wealthy slave owner and the poor man. The hostility between the white and blacks of the South upon the We and was incited on both sides by the cunning of the slave masters. Those masters secured their ascendency over both the poor whites and blacks by putting enmity between them. They were sir, men called in upon all occasions by the masters whenever any fiendish out- you cannot but perceive, that the cause of this hatred removed, the effect must be removed also. Now, promote the welfare of the black man, deprive him of all means of defense and clothe him whom you regard as his enemy in the panoply of political power?
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Harding muscle relaxant homeopathy buy generic rumalaya forte 30 pills, by means of forced and unpaid labor muscle relaxant tramadol discount 30 pills rumalaya forte mastercard, should have monopolized so large a share of the lands and wealth of Tennessee; and I say if their immense plantations were divided up and parceled out amongst a number of free spasms mid back buy rumalaya forte 30pills mastercard, industrious muscle relaxer x order rumalaya forte 30 pills free shipping, and honest farmers, it would give more good citizens to the Commonwealth, increase the wages of our mechanics, enrich the markets of our city, enliven all the arteries of trade, improve society, and conduce to the greatness and glory of the State. Of all living men they should be the last to mouth that phrase; and, his property alone, who, by means of even tinge when uttered in their hearing, it should cause their cheeks to and burn with shame. Suppose the Negro is set free and we have less cotton, we will raise more wool, hemp, flax and silk. And, as is suggested by my friend behind me, whether we attain perfection in the raising of cotton or not, I think we ought to stimulate the cultivation of hemp (great and renewed laughter); for we ought to have more of it and a far better material, a stronger fiber, with which to make a stronger rope. For, not to be malicious or malignant, I am free to say that I believe many who were driven into this Rebellion, are repentant; but I say of the leaders, the instigators, the conscious, intelligent traitors, they ought 10 to be hung. Loyal men, whether white or black, shall alone control her destinies; and when this strife in which we are all engaged is past, I trust, I know, we shall have a better state of things, and shall all rejoice that honest labor reaps the fruit of its own industry, and that every man fight this great battle of truth has a fair chance in the race of whites, life. As a matter of fact, he favored emancipation "in order to save the Union and to free the white man and no further. Dana, Assistant Secretary of War, says that he met VicePresident Johnson in Richmond. He insisted that their sins had been enormous, and that if they were let back into the Union without any punishment the effect would be very bad. The Vice-President talked to me in this strain for fully twenty minutes, I should think an impassioned, earnest speech on the subject of pun- - ishing rebels. Carl Schurz says that the inaugural speech of Andrew Johnson, in 1865, was very pleasing to the liberals of the North, and made them believe that he was going to allow the Negro to have some part in the reconstruction of the states. For a month after coming to the Presidency, Johnson indulged in speech-making, and his words were still so severe that the anti-slavery people became uneasy, feeling that Johnson would give his attention primarily to punishing the whites rather than protecting the Negroes. April 21, 1865, he said in an interview with some citizens of Indiana: "They [the Rebel leaders] must not only be punished, but their social power must be destroyed. And I say that, after making treason odious, every Union man and the government should be remunerated out of the pockets of those who have inflicted this great suffering upon the country. You rich men used the press and bullied your little men to force the state into secession. Even Abraham Lincoln was unable for a long time to conceive of free, poor, black citizens as voters in the United States. The problem of the Negroes, as he faced it, worried him, and he made repeated efforts to see if in some way they could not be sent off to Africa or to foreign lands. Negroes to him were just Negroes, and even as he expressed his radical ideas of helping the poor Southerners, he seldom envisaged Negroes as a part of the poor. He praised them generously as soldiers, and suggested that they be admitted to the ballot. Lincoln on the day of his life, Friday, April 14, Stanton submitted the draft of a plan for the restora- tion of governments in the South. The President sugstates, but was intended as a gested a revision, and the subject was postponed until Tuesday the 18th. Stanton, Dennison and Speed favored the inclusion; McCulloch, Welles and Usher were against it. He and Chase had an interview with him a week after he had taken the oath of office. He deprecates haste; unwilling that states should be precipitated back; thinks there must be a period of probation, but that meanwhile all loyal people, without distinction of color, must be treated as citizens, and must take part in any proceedings for reorganization. He doubts at present the expediency of announcing this from Washington lest it should give a handle to party, but is willing it should be made known to the people in the rebel states. I should not be surprised if we had this great question settled before the next meeting of Congress I mean by this that we had such expression of opinion and acts as will forever conclude it. My confidence is founded in part upon the essential justice of our aims and the necessity of the case. With the President as well disposed as he shows him- and he is well informed with would not be too sanguine, but I - self, this and the Chief Justice as positive, we must sanctify our war beyond any in history? Will not all the Sumner quoted Johnson as saying that "colored persons are to have the right to suffrage; that no state can be precipitated into the Union; that rebel states must go through a term of probation. Ten days ago, the Chief Justice and myself visited him in the evening to speak of these things. The Chief Justice is authorized to say wherever he is what the President desires, and to do everything he can to promote organization without distinction of color. This is in conformity with his general ideas; but he thinks it will disarm the party at home. I told him that while I doubted if the work could be effectively done without federal authority, I regarded the modus operandi as an inferior question; and that I should be content, provided equality before the law was secured for all without distinction of color. I said during this winter that the rebel states could not come back, except on the footing of the Declaration of Independence, and the complete recognition of human rights. And then what a regenerated had looked for a bitter contest on this question; but with the land! Nobody dis- sents, vehemently; while those who have suffered from rebellion and rejoice with their whole hearts in the restoration of the National Authority, are fast coming to the conclusion they will find their own surest safety in the proposed extension. I will aid you in the enrollment of the loyal discriminate citizens; you will not expect me to among men equally loyal; once enrolled, vote for deleI gates to the Convention to reform your State Constitution. Your convention and must do the rest; but you may count on the support of the 18 National Government in all things constitutionally expedient. The Tennessee Senate refused a suffrage bill which allowed all blacks and whites of legal age to vote, but excluded after 1875 all who could not read. Sumner wanted Johnson to insist on Negro suffrage in Tennessee, but Johnson explained that if he were in Tennessee he would take a stand, but that he could not in Washington. Sumner remained in Washington half through May and saw the President almost daily, always seizing opportunity to present his views on Reconstruction, and insisting on suffrage for Negroes. Carl Schurz wrote in May concerning the plans of Southern leaders in Mississippi, Georgia and North Carolina. A caucus was, therefore, called at the National Hotel at Washington, May 12, to prevent the administration from going completely astray. Wade and Sumner said the President was in no danger, and that he was in favor of Negro suffrage. Here then was Andrew Johnson in 1865, born at the bottom of society, and during his early life a radical defender of the poor, the landless and the exploited. In the heyday of his early political career, he railed against land monopoly in the South, and after the Civil War, wanted the land of the monopolists divided among peasant proprietors. He becomes the real emancipator of four millions of black slaves, who have suffered more than anything that he had experienced in his earlier days. They not only have no lands; they have not owned even their bodies, nor their clothes, nor their tools. They have been exploited down to the ownership of their own families; they have been poor by law, and ignorant by force. What more splendid opportunity could the champion of labor and the exploited have had to start a nation towards freedom? This cabinet lasted a little over a year when early in July, 1866, three members, Dennison, Harlan and Speed, resigned, being unwilling to oppose Congress. In all their logical sequence, the Reconstruction policies now associ- name were laid down by Seward, and his logic overwhelmed Johnson. From the champion of peasant labor, he saw himself as the restorer of national unity, and the benefactor and almsgiver to those very elements in the South which had formerly despised him. Of his real role as emancipator, and the one who was to give effective freedom to Negroes, he still had not the slightest idea. And equally, he had no adequate idea of the industrial transformation that was going on in the North. There were, of course, the inevitable scars of the war: the loss of a million men and twelve billion dollars in property; eventual pensions and indirect losses; the revolution in Southern agriculture; the universal lowering of ethical standards which always follows war. In New York and Boston, men engaged in foreign commerce wanted speedy restoration of the South and a reduction in the tariff to increase their business. But when the 39th Congress met, the war business boom was still on; failures had disappeared; prices had increased. Wealth was being concentrated among the manufacturers, merchants, financiers and speculators. There were great amounts of waiting capital and all of these interests wanted the war stopped, and the South restored. Only those white folks who could take the loyal oath would take part in this reconstruction.
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